Narrative Overview: The Exploitation of Filipina Migrant Domestic Workers in the Middle East

My experience with the coursework of the Social Justice and Human Rights program revolves around critical thinking through a decolonized perspective on contemporary human rights trends. The concepts learned throughout this program, especially concerning migration and gender-based violence, along with my identification as part of the Filipino diaspora, have sparked my research on Filipina migrant domestic workers. Within my work, I highlight the social circumstances that push these women to work abroad, the anti-human rights experiences, and the lack of protective strategies from the Filipino government. It is critical to acknowledge that Filipinas are not the only ethnic domestic workers in Gulf nations; they are among many (Al Taher, 2019). Other Asian countries of origin include Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Nepal, etc. And, male migrant workers can also be exposed to similar experiences. However, they seldom work in domestic jobs; instead, they work in the oil industries in the deserts, construction, or manufacturing factories.

What pushes Filipinas to work abroad?


After the Spanish and U.S. colonization, the Philippines was finally able to economically thrive on its own, up until the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos (Andres, 2009). His leadership thrust the country into a financial debt crisis, causing the value of the Philippines peso to drop notably. Today, the country is still recuperating from the massive impact of the totalitarian presidency, with $90 billion in debt and the majority of the population still living in poverty. Furthermore, with political corruption and an unstable economy, foreign investors are hesitant to bring their business into the country. Therefore, finding sustainable jobs in the country is difficult for most low- to middle-class individuals with inadequate wages, despite an overall lower cost of living. Even manageable jobs, such as working in grocery stores, require college or university experience, which is already rare as most youths are unable to attend post-secondary education. Since the government does not offer financial assistance to most students, Filipinos either permanently immigrate to another country or become contract workers. 

Additionally, the power dynamics between developed and developing nations play a significant role in the inability of countries like the Philippines to build themselves up and provide more for their people leading to economic hardships (Urbano, 2011). The cost of living in the Philippines is perceived as much cheaper in comparison to the Western cost of living; however, the income-to-expenditure ratio is very uneven, as many families live in poverty and are unable to find job security. Thus, many women work abroad as migrant domestic workers to financially support their families (Silvey & Parreñas, 2020).  

Filipinas most commonly feel the burden of being the breadwinner of their immediate and extended families, leading them to work in different areas of the world, including the Middle East. As a result of immigration deterrence, permanent residency in developed countries is challenging to attain as a Filipino, making migrant work more accessible. Therefore, it is typical for Filipinas to work as migrant domestic workers in foreign nations to earn money and send remittances back home to their families. 


The Anti-Human Rights Experiences


Working under a migrant contract in Middle Eastern countries leaves Filipinas without protection due to the nature of the Kafala System and their temporary visitor status (Green & Ayalon, 2018). The Kafala System exempts migrant workers from the laws that provide essential protection to citizens or permanent residents, such as limiting working hours, minimum salaries, and leaves (Johnson, 2011). This system grants employers an overbearing amount of power against their employees, with almost no consequences, providing the employers with authority to withhold salaries and confine their employees to protect their "investment." Therefore, the system contradicts the International Labor Organization's (ILO) 27-article convention for women migrant domestic workers that eliminate all forms of their abuse (Ghaddar, Khandaqji, & Ghattas, 2020).  

Filipina migrant domestic workers are then subject to experiences of physical, verbal, and sexual abuse at the hands of their employers (Ghaddar, Khandaqji, & Ghattas, 2020). Women experience their salaries, essential documents such as passports, and cell phones withheld, where they are limited to speaking to family and leaving employers' homes (Naufal & Malit, 2018). In extreme cases, women are murdered, and some are still missing, with their families not having contact or closure. These women often fear seeking help from authorities due to discrimination and corruption, as well as language barriers and unfamiliarity with the country's system regarding available help from NGOs and other support systems (Kouta et al., 2021).

In this area of the world, domestic workers are viewed as having the lowest status on the social hierarchy (Al Taher, 2019). This culturally accepted form of treatment of lower-class workers has historical roots stemming back to slavery in ancient Egypt and Babylon in 750 BC, where some Middle Eastern nations did not altogether abolish slavery until the mid-twentieth century. This was when migrant workers began moving to these nations to fulfill the domestic roles enslaved people left behind, leading workers to be treated under "slave-like" conditions. 

Filipinas choose to return to work in these dangerous conditions as they have no other opportunities for work. The experience of abuse is not a deterrent for these women; rather, it can lead to future abscondment and "freelancing" (Naufal & Malit, 2018). The willingness of these women to return to work in anti-human rights conditions makes it much more difficult for the Filipino government to negotiate and enforce better working conditions for Filipinos overseas. For instance, former President Duterte previously placed a ban on working in Kuwait after a Filipina migrant domestic worker was murdered by her employer (Henderson, 2020). Months later, Duterte retracted the ban, as Kuwait promised to put more policies in place to protect these women. However, restricting migration is not only in violation of women's rights under the ILO, but it also pushes for illegal and precarious recruitment.


What are the protective strategies?


The Filipino government lacks protective strategies for Filipina migrant domestic workers. The newly enacted Republic Act No. 11641 outlines the responsibilities of the Department of Migrant Workers (DMW) to manage and regulate ethical recruitment agencies, coordinate reintegration programs, promote the welfare of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW), and provide education training (Congress of the Philippines, 2021). However, the mandatory pre-departure orientation programs do not educate or train these women on their rights, situations of abuse, and where to seek help abroad (Henderson, 2020). Instead, these programs promote remittances and marketing by private banks, even though the Republic Act No. 11641 claims the government "does not promote overseas employment as a means to economic growth." This leaves Filipina migrant domestic workers unprepared should they ever encounter violent circumstances working. Moving forward, pre-departure orientation programs should include education on ILO laws, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the rights of migrant workers in Middle Eastern countries, and resources of available services abroad to prepare these women for violent circumstances during their employment. 

There is a prevalent cultural narrative that working overseas is often a privilege that is imperturbable and feeds into the expectations of the sole breadwinner for a multi-generation family. The goal of my work is to spread awareness of the reality of the sacrifices Filipina migrant domestic workers face when leaving their families to work abroad and to rouse a call for action for the Filipino government to do more, especially during the current political state of the Philippines.


Mountain Brew Cafe, Ternate, Cavite, Philippines (2018)